Mr. President, Mr. Secretary
General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: we come together at a
crossroads between war and peace; between disorder and integration; between
fear and hope.
Around the globe, there are
signposts of progress. The shadow of World War that existed at the founding of
this institution has been lifted; the prospect of war between major powers
reduced. The ranks of member states has more than tripled, and more people live
under governments they elected. Hundreds of millions of human beings have been
freed from the prison of poverty, with the proportion of those living in
extreme poverty cut in half. And the world economy continues to strengthen
after the worst financial crisis of our lives.
Today, whether you live in
downtown New York or in my grandmother’s village more than two hundred miles
from Nairobi, you can hold in your hand more information than the world’s
greatest libraries. Together, we have learned how to cure disease, and harness
the power of the wind and sun. The very existence of this institution is a
unique achievement – the people of the world committing to resolve their
differences peacefully, and solve their problems together. I often tell young
people in the United States that this is the best time in human history to be
born, for you are more likely than ever before to be literate, to be healthy,
and to be free to pursue your dreams.
And yet there is a pervasive
unease in our world – a sense that the very forces that have brought us
together have created new dangers, and made it difficult for any single nation
to insulate itself from global forces. As we gather here, an outbreak of Ebola
overwhelms public health systems in West Africa, and threatens to move rapidly
across borders. Russian aggression in Europe recalls the days when large
nations trampled small ones in pursuit of territorial ambition. The brutality
of terrorists in Syria and Iraq forces us to look into the heart of darkness.
Each of these problems demands
urgent attention. But they are also symptoms of a broader problem – the failure
of our international system to keep pace with an interconnected world. We have
not invested adequately in the public health capacity of developing countries.
Too often, we have failed to enforce international norms when it’s inconvenient
to do so. And we have not confronted forcefully enough the intolerance,
sectarianism, and hopelessness that feeds violent extremism in too many parts
of the globe.
Fellow delegates, we come
together as United Nations with a choice to make. We can renew the
international system that has enabled so much progress, or allow ourselves to
be pulled back by an undertow of instability. We can reaffirm our collective
responsibility to confront global problems, or be swamped by more and more
outbreaks of instability. For America, the choice is clear. We choose hope over
fear. We see the future not as something out of our control, but as something
we can shape for the better through concerted and collective effort. We reject
fatalism or cynicism when it comes to human affairs; we choose to work for the
world as it should be, as our children deserve it to be.
There is much that must be
done to meet the tests of this moment. But today I’d like to focus on two
defining questions at the root of many of our challenges– whether the nations
here today will be able to renew the purpose of the UN’s founding; and whether
we will come together to reject the cancer of violent extremism.
First, all of us – big nations
and small – must meet our responsibility to observe and enforce international
norms.
We are here because others
realized that we gain more from cooperation than conquest. One hundred years
ago, a World War claimed the lives of many millions, proving that with the
terrible power of modern weaponry, the cause of empire leads to the graveyard.
It would take another World War to roll back the forces of fascism and racial
supremacy, and form this United Nations to ensure that no nation can subjugate
its neighbors and claim their territory.
Russia’s actions in Ukraine
challenge this post-war order. Here are the facts. After the people of Ukraine
mobilized popular protests and calls for reform, their corrupt President fled.
Against the will of the government in Kiev, Crimea was annexed. Russia poured
arms into Eastern Ukraine, fueling violent separatists and a conflict that has
killed thousands. When a civilian airliner was shot down from areas that these
proxies controlled, they refused to allow access to the crash for days. When
Ukraine started to reassert control over its territory, Russia gave up the
pretense of merely supporting the separatists, and moved troops across the
border.
This is a vision of the world
in which might makes right – a world in which one nation’s borders can be
redrawn by another, and civilized people are not allowed to recover the remains
of their loved ones because of the truth that might be revealed. America stands
for something different. We believe that right makes might – that bigger
nations should not be able to bully smaller ones; that people should be able to
choose their own future.
These are simple truths, but
they must be defended. America and our allies will support the people of
Ukraine as they develop their democracy and economy. We will reinforce our NATO
allies, and uphold our commitment to collective defense. We will impose a cost
on Russia for aggression, and counter falsehoods with the truth. We call upon
others to join us on the right side of history – for while small gains can be
won at the barrel of a gun, they will ultimately be turned back if enough
voices support the freedom of nations and peoples to make their own decisions.
Moreover, a different path is
available – the path of diplomacy and peace and the ideals this institution is
designed to uphold. The recent cease-fire agreement in Ukraine offers an
opening to achieve that objective. If Russia takes that path – a path that for
stretches of the post-Cold War period resulted in prosperity for the Russian
people – then we will lift our sanctions and welcome Russia’s role in
addressing common challenges. That’s what the United States and Russia have
been able to do in past years – from reducing our nuclear stockpiles to meet
our obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, to cooperating to
remove and destroy Syria’s declared chemical weapons. And that’s the kind of
cooperation we are prepared to pursue again—if Russia changes course.
This speaks to a central
question of our global age: whether we will solve our problems together, in a
spirit of mutual interests and mutual respect, or whether we descend into
destructive rivalries of the past. When nations find common ground, not simply
based on power, but on principle, then we can make enormous progress. And I
stand before you today committed to investing American strength in working with
nations to address the problems we face in the 21st century.
As we speak, America is
deploying our doctors and scientists – supported by our military – to help
contain the outbreak of Ebola and pursue new treatments. But we need a broader
effort to stop a disease that could kill hundreds of thousands, inflict
horrific suffering, destabilize economies, and move rapidly across borders.
It’s easy to see this as a distant problem – until it isn’t. That is why we
will continue mobilizing other countries to join us in making concrete
commitments to fight this outbreak, and enhance global health security for the
long-term.
America is pursuing a
diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue, as part of our commitment
to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and pursue the peace and security of a
world without them. This can only happen if Iran takes this historic
opportunity. My message to Iran’s leaders and people is simple: do not let this
opportunity pass. We can reach a solution that meets your energy needs while
assuring the world that your program is peaceful.
America is and will continue
to be a Pacific power, promoting peace, stability, and the free flow of
commerce among nations. But we will insist that all nations abide by the rules
of the road, and resolve their territorial disputes peacefully, consistent with
international law. That’s how the Asia-Pacific has grown. And that’s the only
way to protect this progress going forward.
America is committed to a
development agenda that eradicates extreme poverty by 2030. We will do our part
– to help people feed themselves; power their economies; and care for their
sick. If the world acts together, we can make sure that all of our children can
enjoy lives of opportunity and dignity
America is pursuing ambitious
reductions in our carbon emissions, and we have increased our investments in
clean energy. We will do our part, and help developing nations to do theirs.
But we can only succeed in combating climate change if we are joined in this
effort by every major power. That’s how we can protect this planet for our
children and grandchildren.
On issue after issue, we
cannot rely on a rule-book written for a different century. If we lift our eyes
beyond our borders – if we think globally and act cooperatively – we can shape
the course of this century as our predecessors shaped the post-World War II
age. But as we look to the future, one issue risks a cycle of conflict that
could derail such progress: and that is the cancer of violent extremism that
has ravaged so many parts of the Muslim world.
Of course, terrorism is not
new. Speaking before this Assembly, President Kennedy put it well: “Terror is
not a new weapon,” he said. “Throughout history it has been used by those who
could not prevail, either by persuasion or example.” In the 20th century,
terror was used by all manner of groups who failed to come to power through
public support. But in this century, we have faced a more lethal and
ideological brand of terrorists who have perverted one of the world’s great
religions. With access to technology that allows small groups to do great harm,
they have embraced a nightmarish vision that would divide the world into
adherents and infidels – killing as many innocent civilians as possible; and
employing the most brutal methods to intimidate people within their
communities.
I have made it clear that
America will not base our entire foreign policy on reacting to terrorism.
Rather, we have waged a focused campaign against al Qaeda and its associated
forces – taking out their leaders, and denying them the safe-havens they rely
upon. At the same time, we have reaffirmed that the United States is not and
never will be at war with Islam. Islam teaches peace. Muslims the world over
aspire to live with dignity and a sense of justice. And when it comes to
America and Islam, there is no us and them – there is only us, because millions
of Muslim Americans are part of the fabric of our country.
So we reject any suggestion of
a clash of civilizations. Belief in permanent religious war is the misguided
refuge of extremists who cannot build or create anything, and therefore peddle
only fanaticism and hate. And it is no exaggeration to say that humanity’s
future depends on us uniting against those who would divide us along fault
lines of tribe or sect; race or religion.
This is not simply a matter of
words. Collectively, we must take concrete steps to address the danger posed by
religiously motivated fanatics, and the trends that fuel their recruitment.
Moreover, this campaign against extremism goes beyond a narrow security
challenge. For while we have methodically degraded core al Qaeda and supported
a transition to a sovereign Afghan government, extremist ideology has shifted
to other places – particularly in the Middle East and North Africa, where a
quarter of young people have no job; food and water could grow scarce;
corruption is rampant; and sectarian conflicts have become increasingly hard to
contain.
As an international community,
we must meet this challenge with a focus on four areas. First, the terrorist
group known as ISIL must be degraded, and ultimately destroyed.
This group has terrorized all
who they come across in Iraq and Syria. Mothers, sisters and daughters have
been subjected to rape as a weapon of war. Innocent children have been gunned
down. Bodies have been dumped in mass graves. Religious minorities have been
starved to death. In the most horrific crimes imaginable, innocent human beings
have been beheaded, with videos of the atrocity distributed to shock the
conscience of the world.
No God condones this terror.
No grievance justifies these actions. There can be no reasoning – no
negotiation – with this brand of evil. The only language understood by killers
like this is the language of force. So the United States of America will work
with a broad coalition to dismantle this network of death.
In this effort, we do not act
alone. Nor do we intend to send U.S. troops to occupy foreign lands. Instead,
we will support Iraqis and Syrians fighting to reclaim their communities. We
will use our military might in a campaign of air strikes to roll back ISIL. We
will train and equip forces fighting against these terrorists on the ground. We
will work to cut off their financing, and to stop the flow of fighters into and
out of the region. Already, over 40 nations have offered to join this
coalition. Today, I ask the world to join in this effort. Those who have joined
ISIL should leave the battlefield while they can. Those who continue to fight
for a hateful cause will find they are increasingly alone. For we will not
succumb to threats; and we will demonstrate that the future belongs to those
who build – not those who destroy.
Second, it is time for the
world – especially Muslim communities – to explicitly, forcefully, and
consistently reject the ideology of al Qaeda and ISIL.
It is the task of all great
religions to accommodate devout faith with a modern, multicultural world. No
children – anywhere – should be educated to hate other people. There should be
no more tolerance of so-called clerics who call upon people to harm innocents
because they are Jewish, Christian or Muslim. It is time for a new compact
among the civilized peoples of this world to eradicate war at its most
fundamental source: the corruption of young minds by violent ideology.
That means cutting off the
funding that fuels this hate. It’s time to end the hypocrisy of those who
accumulate wealth through the global economy, and then siphon funds to those
who teach children to tear it down.
That means contesting the
space that terrorists occupy – including the Internet and social media. Their
propaganda has coerced young people to travel abroad to fight their wars, and
turned students into suicide bombers. We must offer an alternative vision.
That means bringing people of
different faiths together. All religions have been attacked by extremists from
within at some point, and all people of faith have a responsibility to lift up
the value at the heart of all religion: do unto thy neighbor as you would have
done unto you.
The ideology of ISIL or al
Qaeda or Boko Haram will wilt and die if it is consistently exposed,
confronted, and refuted in the light of day. Look at the new Forum for
Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies – Sheikh bin Bayyah described its purpose:
“We must declare war on war, so the outcome will be peace upon peace.” Look at
the young British Muslims, who responded to terrorist propaganda by starting
the “notinmyname” campaign, declaring – “ISIS is hiding behind a false Islam.”
Look at the Christian and Muslim leaders who came together in the Central
African Republic to reject violence – listen to the Imam who said, “Politics
try to divide the religious in our country, but religion shouldn’t be a cause
of hate, war, or strife.”
Later today, the Security
Council will adopt a resolution that underscores the responsibility of states
to counter violent extremism. But resolutions must be followed by tangible
commitments, so we’re accountable when we fall short. Next year, we should all
be prepared to announce the concrete steps that we have taken to counter
extremist ideologies – by getting intolerance out of schools, stopping
radicalization before it spreads, and promoting institutions and programs that
build new bridges of understanding.
Third, we must address the
cycle of conflict – especially sectarian conflict – that creates the conditions
that terrorists prey upon.
There is nothing new about
wars within religions. Christianity endured centuries of vicious sectarian
conflict. Today, it is violence within Muslim communities that has become the
source of so much human misery. It is time to acknowledge the destruction
wrought by proxy wars and terror campaigns between Sunni and Shia across the
Middle East. And it is time that political, civic and religious leaders reject sectarian
strife. Let’s be clear: this is a fight that no one is winning. A brutal civil
war in Syria has already killed nearly 200,000 people and displaced millions.
Iraq has come perilously close to plunging back into the abyss. The conflict
has created a fertile recruiting ground for terrorists who inevitably export
this violence.
Yet, we also see signs that
this tide could be reversed – a new, inclusive government in Baghdad; a new
Iraqi Prime Minister welcomed by his neighbors; Lebanese factions rejecting
those who try to provoke war. These steps must be followed by a broader truce.
Nowhere is this more necessary than Syria. Together with our partners, America
is training and equipping the Syrian opposition to be a counterweight to the
terrorists of ISIL and the brutality of the Assad regime. But the only lasting
solution to Syria’s civil war is political – an inclusive political transition
that responds to the legitimate aspirations of all Syrian citizens, regardless
of ethnicity or creed.
Cynics may argue that such an
outcome can never come to pass. But there is no other way for this madness to
end – whether one year from now or ten. Indeed, it’s time for a broader
negotiation in which major powers address their differences directly, honestly,
and peacefully across the table from one another, rather than through
gun-wielding proxies. I can promise you America will remain engaged in the
region, and we are prepared to engage in that effort.
My fourth and final point is a
simple one: the countries of the Arab and Muslim world must focus on the
extraordinary potential of their people – especially the youth.
Here I’d like to speak
directly to young people across the Muslim world. You come from a great
tradition that stands for education, not ignorance; innovation, not
destruction; the dignity of life, not murder. Those who call you away from this
path are betraying this tradition, not defending it.
You have demonstrated that
when young people have the tools to succeed –good schools; education in math
and science; an economy that nurtures creativity and entrepreneurship – then
societies will flourish. So America will partner with those who promote that
vision.
Where women are full
participants in a country’s politics or economy, societies are more likely to
succeed. That’s why we support the participation of women in parliaments and in
peace processes; in schools and the economy.
If young people live in places
where the only option is between the dictates of a state, or the lure of an
extremist underground – no counter-terrorism strategy can succeed. But where a
genuine civil society is allowed to flourish – where people can express their
views, and organize peacefully for a better life – then you dramatically expand
the alternatives to terror.
Such positive change need not
come at the expense of tradition and faith. We see this in Iraq, where a young
man started a library for his peers. “We link Iraq’s heritage to their hearts,”
he said, and “give them a reason to stay.” We see it in Tunisia, where secular
and Islamist parties worked together through a political process to produce a
new constitution. We see it in Senegal, where civil society thrives alongside a
strong, democratic government. We see it in Malaysia, where vibrant
entrepreneurship is propelling a former colony into the ranks of advanced
economies. And we see it in Indonesia, where what began as a violent transition
has evolved into a genuine democracy.
Ultimately, the task of
rejecting sectarianism and extremism is a generational task – a task for the
people of the Middle East themselves. No external power can bring about a
transformation of hearts and minds. But America will be a respectful and
constructive partner. We will neither tolerate terrorist safe-havens, nor act
as an occupying power. Instead, we will take action against threats to our
security – and our allies – while building an architecture of counter-terrorism
cooperation. We will increase efforts to lift up those who counter extremist
ideology, and seek to resolve sectarian conflict. And we will expand our
programs to support entrepreneurship, civil society, education and youth –
because, ultimately, these investments are the best antidote to violence.
Leadership will also be
necessary to address the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. As bleak
as the landscape appears, America will never give up the pursuit of peace. The
situation in Iraq, Syria and Libya should cure anyone of the illusion that this
conflict is the main source of problems in the region; for far too long, it has
been used in part as a way to distract people from problems at home. And the
violence engulfing the region today has made too many Israelis ready to abandon
the hard work of peace. But let’s be clear: the status quo in the West Bank and
Gaza is not sustainable. We cannot afford to turn away from this effort – not
when rockets are fired at innocent Israelis, or the lives of so many
Palestinian children are taken from us in Gaza. So long as I am President, we
will stand up for the principle that Israelis, Palestinians, the region, and
the world will be more just with two states living side by side, in peace and
security.
This is what America is
prepared to do – taking action against immediate threats, while pursuing a
world in which the need for such action is diminished. The United States will
never shy away from defending our interests, but nor will we shrink from the
promise of this institution and its Universal Declaration of Human Rights – the
notion that peace is not merely the absence of war, but the presence of a
better life.
I realize that America’s
critics will be quick to point out that at times we too have failed to live up
to our ideals; that America has plenty of problems within our own borders. This
is true. In a summer marked by instability in the Middle East and Eastern
Europe, I know the world also took notice of the small American city of
Ferguson, Missouri – where a young man was killed, and a community was divided.
So yes, we have our own racial and ethnic tensions. And like every country, we
continually wrestle with how to reconcile the vast changes wrought by
globalization and greater diversity with the traditions that we hold dear.
But we welcome the scrutiny of
the world – because what you see in America is a country that has steadily
worked to address our problems and make our union more perfect. America is not
the same as it was 100 years ago, 50 years ago, or even a decade ago. Because
we fight for our ideals, and are willing to criticize ourselves when we fall
short. Because we hold our leaders accountable, and insist on a free press and
independent judiciary. Because we address our differences in the open space of
democracy – with respect for the rule of law; with a place for people of every
race and religion; and with an unyielding belief in the ability of individual
men and women to change their communities and countries for the better.
After nearly six years as
President, I believe that this promise can help light the world. Because I’ve
seen a longing for positive change – for peace and freedom and opportunity – in
the eyes of young people I’ve met around the globe. They remind me that no
matter who you are, or where you come from, or what you look like, or what God
you pray to, or who you love, there is something fundamental that we all share.
Eleanor Roosevelt, a champion of the UN and America’s role in it, once asked,
“Where, after all, do universal human rights begin? In small places,” she said,
“close to home – so close and so small that they cannot be seen on any maps of
the world. Yet they are the world of the individual person; the neighborhood he
lives in; the school or college he attends; the factory, farm or office where
he works.”
The people of the world look
to us, here, to be as decent, as dignified, and as courageous as they are in
their daily lives. And at this crossroads, I can promise you that the United
States of America will not be distracted or deterred from what must be done. We
are heirs to a proud legacy of freedom, and we are prepared to do what is
necessary to secure that legacy for generations to come. Join us in this common
mission, for today’s children and tomorrow’s.